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Lombok Unrest: Description and Analysis
 
by John M. MacDougall, Jr. [Ph.D. candidate from Princeton,
University, Dept. of Anthropology. He is not related to John
MacDougall "Apa Kabar."]
 
written on January 19, 2000
 
Preface:
 
The description and analysis below is a rough draft to be used
as fuel for thought and not for heavy quotation. The
information regarding the militia leader, [name deleted]
should never be linked to me as its source. I still have to
carry out research in NTB and would like to keep my skin while
I do so. The information below is based on interviews and
newspaper research carried out from May 1999 - January 18
2000 when I left Lombok with the those wealthy or lucky enough
to evacuate on the only running form of transport, the Bounty
ferry. Otherwise, the roads were blocked with rioters.
 
When I first began my research at the outset of the monetary
crisis in 1998, there were constant rumors that the masses
from central and eastern Lombok were going to attack and loot
the economic centers of Lombok in Mataram and Ampenan. The
general complaint was that shopholders were stocking goods in
order to raise the price of goods and create an unnatural form
of regional inflation. This is just one of the inter-regional
economic tensions which contributed to the mass mobilization
of the Sasak Muslims over the last couple of days.
 
John M. MacDougall Doctoral Candidate in Anthropology at
Princeton University Based in North Lombok
 
 
By January 15, Saturday, friends in my research area in North
Lombok were already warning me that a large demonstration of
Sasak Muslims were preparing to gather in the Public Arena of
downtown Mataram. How did they know, I asked. Apparently
besides circulation by word of mouth, a flyer decrying the
death of Indonesian Muslims in Maluku and demanding a greater
display of protest among fellow Muslims was distributed
throughout the week prior to the violence which persists in
Mataram and other areas of Lombok today. By Sunday afternoon,
January 16th, trucks full of young men from North, Central and
Eastern Lombok began collecting around the city of Mataram.
Although friends did not mention that there would be violence
in Mataram, they pressed me to stay with them in the village
until the "demonstration" blew over.
 
At 11:00 a.m. Monday, the violence began. After the Apel
Achbar, a large gathering of Muslim youth rallied from all
over Lombok had gathered in Central Mataram. A charismatic
Islamic preacher from Kediri [name withheld] presided over the
gathering. Although the preachers' words were "arousing"
(merangsang) they were not the sole impetus behind the
destruction of the Christian churches, communities and
economic centres in Lombok. Unfortunately, the recent media
focus on Jakarta has made our understanding of collective
violence of Indonesia rather short-sighted and shallow. The
"rakyat" are perceived as an easily mobilized and "quick to
rouse" mass capable of large-scale destruction and killings
which otherwise betray their cultural or religious attitudes
and convictions. Even if the match responsible for igniting
existing local tensions may hail from Jakarta, the expressions
they take, the strategies deployed to effect the violence are
immediate to the political, religious and economic tensions of
the region.
 
Such was the case in Lombok. Within an hours time, five
churches were in flames in downtown Mataram. Only an hour
later two more churches in Ampenan were burning. The question
one asks is, "How did random violence become so organized in
such a short span of time." To answer this question one needs
to look into the last six months leading up to these last two
days of violence. These groups were organized far prior to the
destruction in Mataram only the end of their organization was
not to destroy churches or antagonize Christians, it was to
wage a war against crime, or more specifically, to hunt down
criminals in Lombok. The general Indonesian term for these
organizations such as these is PAMSWAKARSA.
 
Crime-Control groups (PAMSWAKARSA) have sprung up throughout
Indonesia due to the lack of initiative on the part of the
police and armed forces to control theft and drug trafficing
activity. Accusations and proof of police complicity in the
circulation of drugs and stolen goods, especially in Lombok,
further enhanced the sense of helplessness felt by victims of
crime. In some cases, such as in Central Lombok, the people
expressed their frustration through direct violence against
the police. In July of last year, two police officers were
killed and a police station was burned as a result of public
suspicion that the police were in cohorts with the criminals
of the region.
 
CRIME CONTROL GROUPS IN LOMBOK
 
The two largest PAMSWAKARSA groups in Lombok are Bujak
(Pemburu Jejak: Tracker) and Ampibi (as in amphibious, protect
the people on land or sea) . Central Lombok and Eastern Lombok
have always been famous for their crime. In the village of
Kebon Jeruk, Central Lombok, for example, a young woman told
me, "If my husband can't prove to be a successful thief, how
will he support our family?" As in many areas of the world
expertise at theivery not only displays cunning but also a
knowledge in the mystical sciences or "ilmu" of
invulnerability to violence, hypnotism and communication with
the unseen world. In the early 1990's crime rings such as
Kebon Jeruk usually confined to the theft of livestock
expanded their network to inter-island laundering of stolen
goods. By 1993, motorcycle and television theft was on the
rise as these prized goods became available to rural peasants
willing to slave away abroad through wage labor abroad in
Malaysia, Hong Kong and Saudi Arabia. Increased theft of
household (as opposed to field-stock) goods increased the
level of violence needed to secure them. Due to the rise of
violent crime in the region, a group of youth and, according
to many sources, ex-criminals took it upon themselves to
organize a crime control and stolen goods retrieval service.
This group's name was BUJAK, or tracker. Based in the village
of Ubung, sub-district Jonggat, Central Lombok, BUJAK
guaranteed safety from crime and if goods were stolen, they
would return the stolen goods. For a fee from local
residences, BUJAK placed stickers on their clientele's
residences and patrolled the area to keep it free from crime.
If criminals were caught in the act, they would be killed or
surrendered to the police. Although BUJAK tended to work with
the police, increasing accusations of intentional theft on the
part of BUJAK with the intention of securing the bounty from
the returned stolen goods forced the Police to outlaw BUJAK's
activities in 1995. After BUJAK was disbanded, criminal
activity increased as before.
 
In late 1997, there was a dramatic increase in crime due to
the economic crisis and failed harvests. Many of these crimes
became more violent as the price of valuable goods (T.V.'s,
motorbikes etc) rose. Increasing reports of rape and homicide
accompanied crimes of theft, especially in the most
economically depressed regions of Central and East Lombok. In
1997, BUJAK went into service again and, according to many,
had continued their activities despite pressure from PEMDA
(local government). Because of "preman-like" (thuggish)
demeanor of BUJAK, its centralization in Central Lombok and
the absence of moral or religious leadership in the
organization, another group arose in East Lombok, AMFIBI.
Under the moral leadership of Tuan Guru Haji Sibawali, AMPIBI
swelled in numbers. When I asked one streetwise youth from
Central Lombok what the difference was between BUJAK and
AMPIBI, he said, "BUJAK uses kids like me, AMPIBI members are
the kind of good muslims who pray five times a day, study the
KORAN and the esoteric Islam, they are really powerful." With
the moral leadership of Nadhatul Watan (The largest muslim
organization in NTB based in Panjor) in fragments after the
death (1997) of its founder/leader Tuan Guru Haji Abdul Majid,
leaders such as Tuan Guru Haji Silawali of Jero Waru, East
Lombok have emerged as independent religious leaders with
large mass followings.
 
As one might imagine, the public had long lost it's faith in
the police's ability to control crime. "A large bribe to a
corrupt officer was no guarantee that the stolen property will
be retrieved by police involved in its laundering," said Said
of Lombok Tengah during an interview in November 1999.
Increasing incidents of people taking the law into their own
hands by killing renowned criminals created only greater fear
that retrobutive violence from the criminal's family would
only add terror to desperation. In Janpriye Central Lombok,
the populace torched the police station as an act of rage
against their complacency , and rumored complicity, towards
criminal activity.
 
After the general elections in 1999, the AMPIBI and BUJAK
memberships swelled to 60,000. By August the figures were
already at 120,000 with several other regional groups, such as
Palang Merah in South Lombok, forming across a kindred motif.
Unlike Bujak, however, Ampibi members carry out their tasks
for free. Only, to become a member of those protected from
criminality, one must pay 120,000 rupiah per member. Each
patrol group (thirty men strong) receives a walkie talkie
allowing for close cooperation between members and quick
mobilization against criminals. Although Ampibi is less
monitarily motivated than Bujak, if a criminal does not
surrender on sight, they are killed and often decapitated. The
head, it is rumored, is carried to their headquarters in Jero
Waru.
 
In August of 1999, increasing tensions between Bujak and
Ampibi became apparent as criminals fled from East to Central
Lombok, or Central to East Lombok. In the line of duty, the
bounderies between the organizations respective territories
were often crossed and caused conflicts between the two
groups. In early August 1999, these two groups engaged in
armed conflict on the border between Central and East Lombok.
Apparently, the incident was instigated by a single man paid
by an unknown source who wished to destabilize these two
groups before their power increased to policial proportions.
The provocator, once identified, was assasinated without
trial. After the incident was clarified and peace was made
between the two organizations, they joined forces and grew to
the numbers now reported to be over 220,000 strong. With such
a strong membership, religious backing and outstanding popular
support, the police and local government have been forced to
comply and support the organizations in every step of their
development since August 1999.
 
Hundreds of criminals, purported or real, have been killed by
Ampibi and Bujak in their patrolling activities. Up until
December 1999, the majority of Ampibi and Bujak's activities
were carried out in Central and Eastern Lombok. Ironically,
on December 23rd, the same day of the Perang Ketopat (ritual
battle between Hindu-Balinese and Sasak Muslims held at the
Hindu-Muslim temple, Lingsar) trucks full of Ampibi members
pulled into the Balinese community of Cakra, Mataram in search
of a Balinese stolen goods launderer, I Gusti?. When they
spoke to his family in Cakra, he wasn't at home and, after a
verbal exchange with the accused uncle they killed the uncle
and cut off the uncle's wife's arm who attempted to save her
husband from death. Outrage from the Hindu-Balinese community
was quelled somewhat by a meeting between Hindu leaders and
Ampibi at the governor's office in late December.
 
According to all sources interviewed, Ampibi members are so
"brave" (berani) because after their initiation into the
organization they are given special orange jumpers inscribed
with mystically charged Arabic characters meant to protect the
member from all weaponry and give them unlimited bravery and
stamina. This sense of invulnerability and moral certainty
among Ampibiresidents is what worries so many non-Muslim, or
even West Lombok, citizens.
 
So, when the violence broke out on Monday, January 17th in
downtown Mataram very few Lombok residents were surprised at
the organized quality of the mob. Put simply, it was not a
mob, it was a well honed surveillance organization trained by
months of hunting some of the best criminals in Indonesia.
After the Apel Achbar on Monday, 1999, the groups divided into
groups of two and three hundred. Regional coordination allowed
for group members to keep track of one another and assure that
they would have a ride home before reenforcements replaced
them. For instance, Bayan members stuck together and attacked
a church whereas other sub-districts would be directed to a
housing complex in Ampenan or the main church on Jalan
Proklamisi in Mataram. Those who joined along with the mob
were lead by a team already certain of their targets. Several
members wore shirts with their village identity written on the
back to facilitate coordination between regional groups.
 
Regional Tensions
 
While it is not all that clear why these groups did not just
burn the ten churches and go home, or why they planned such a
coordinated form of destruction wiping out the economic sector
of Ampenan, and, reportedly tonight, the bedrock of tourism
investment in Senggigi, West Lombok, whoever is behind it
picked the right groups to work through. While the violence
unfolded I was able to speak with several friends both in
Mataram and the villages on the outskirts of Mataram about why
such a concerted effort had been deployed for such a small
population of Christians. They replied, "It is more regional
than anything else. For one thing, the economic sector,
tourism, the Goldmine empire of Newmont, and development has
favored West Lombok over the more impoverished areas of
Central and East Lombok. Central and East Lombok residents
are infuriated that they cannot gain access to the riches of
these industries be it through jobs or just money. They are
angry at the disparity between western residents and
east-central residents in a way that does not seek a logical
resolution. They want to flatten (meratakan) the class
hierarchy. The only way they can do that is by total
destruction of the wealth of others. The death of fellow
Muslims in Maluku only further exascerbated their anger
towards wealthy chinese and christian groups based in Ampenan
and Mataram. Rumors that Newmont discriminated against
Muslims by hiring Christian Menadonese and Javanese
contributed to existing antagonisms between the impoverished
East-West majority and who they perceived to be the priveleged
minority of West Lombok.
 
Other concerns: Indonesian military and police officers
previously stationed in East Timor were relocated to Lombok in
droves. Some of these men are war criminals. One of these
men, [name deleted], a notorious war criminal and psychopath
previously stationed in Baucau, East Timor, arrived in Lombok
a month ago.
 
Although he is not behind Ampibi, he is an organizer of
militia activity in West Timor and skilled in mass destruction
similar to what we witnessed in East Timor. This information
is not meant to breed conspiracy theories, merely to help us
understand the complacency of the armed and police forces on
the 17th and 18th. Perhaps new forces with different
approaches to the violence will help to delocalize the
conflict and quell the violence. Until then, the obvious use
of Ampibi/Bujak membership in the burning of Mataram and
Ampenan churches and economic centers, not to mention
Senggigi, displays an multi-faceted agenda expressed through
violence at once national, regional, religious and
class-oriented.
 
-END-

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